The Process of Redistricting Can Present Problems for Congressional Representation Because ________.

Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Describe the office of Congress in the U.S. ramble arrangement
• Define bicameralism
• Explain gerrymandering and the apportionment of seats in the Business firm of Representatives
• Talk over the three kinds of powers granted to Congress

The origins of the U.Due south. Constitution and the convention that brought it into existence are rooted in failure—the failure of the Manufactures of Confederation. Afterward simply a scattering of years, united states of the marriage decided that the Articles were simply unworkable. In gild to save the young republic, a convention was called, and delegates were sent to assemble and revise the Articles. From the discussions and compromises in this convention emerged Congress in the form we recognize today. In this section, we volition explore the debates and compromises that brought nigh the bicameral (two-chamber) Congress, made up of a House of Representatives and Senate. We will too explore the goals of bicameralism and how it functions. Finally, we will look at the different ways seats are apportioned in the two chambers.

THE GREAT COMPROMISE AND THE Nuts OF BICAMERALISM

Only a few years after the adoption of the Manufactures of Confederation, the republican experiment seemed on the verge of failure. States deep in debt were press increasingly worthless newspaper currency, many were mired in interstate merchandise battles with each other, and in western Massachusetts, a small group of Revolutionary War veterans aroused over the prospect of losing their farms bankrupt into armed open defection against the country, in what came to exist known every bit Shays' Rebellion. The conclusion many reached was that the Articles of Confederation were simply not strong enough to keep the young republic together. In the spring of 1787, a convention was chosen, and delegates from all the states (except Rhode Isle, which boycotted the convention) were sent to Philadelphia to hammer out a solution to this primal trouble.

The coming together these delegates convened became known as the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Although its prescribed purpose was to revise the Manufactures of Confederation, a number of delegates charted a path toward disposing of the Articles entirely. Under the Articles, the national legislature had been made up of a single sleeping accommodation composed of an equal number of delegates from each of the states. Large states, similar Virginia, felt it would be unfair to continue with this manner of legislative institution. As a result, Virginia's delegates proposed a program that called for bicameralism, or the division of legislators into two separate assemblies. In this proposed two-sleeping room Congress, states with larger populations would have more representatives in each chamber. Predictably, smaller states similar New Jersey were unhappy with this proposal. In response, they issued their own plan, which chosen for a single-sleeping accommodation Congress with equal representation and more state authority.

The Virginia or "big land" plan called for a 2-chamber legislature, with representation by population in each chamber. The plan proposed by smaller states like New Jersey favored maintaining a i-house Congress in which all states were equally represented.

The storm of contend over how to classify power between large and small states was eventually calmed by a third proposal. The Connecticut Compromise, also chosen the Keen Compromise, proposed a bicameral congress with members apportioned differently in each house. The upper business firm, the Senate, was to have two members from each country. This soothed the fears of the small states. In the lower house, the House of Representatives, membership would be proportional to the population in each state. This measure out protected the interests of the large states.

In the last draft of the U.Due south. Constitution, the bicameral Congress established past the convention of 1787 was given a number of powers and limitations. These are outlined in Article I (Appendix B). This article describes the minimum age of congresspersons (Section 2), requires that Congress see at least once a twelvemonth (Section 4), guarantees members' pay (Section 6), and gives Congress the power to levy taxes, borrow money, and regulate commerce (Section 8). These powers and limitations were the Constitutional Convention's response to the failings of the Manufactures of Confederation.

Although the basic design of the House and Senate resulted from a political bargain between large and small states, the bicameral legislature established past the convention did not sally from sparse air. The concept had existed in Europe every bit far dorsum every bit the medieval era. At that fourth dimension, the two chambers of a legislature were divided based on class and designed to reverberate unlike types of representation. The names of the ii houses in the United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland'south bicameral parliament yet reverberate this older distinction today: the House of Lords and the House of Eatables. Likewise, those at the Ramble Convention purposely structured the U.S. Senate differently from the House of Representatives in the hopes of encouraging different representative memberships in the two houses. Initially, for case, the ability to elect senators was given to the state legislatures instead of to the voting public as it is now. The minimum age requirement is also lower for the House of Representatives: A person must be at least xx-5 years one-time to serve in the House, whereas one must exist at to the lowest degree thirty to be a senator.

The bicameral system established at the Constitutional Convention and nevertheless followed today requires the two houses to pass identical bill s, or proposed items of legislation. This ensures that later all amending and modifying has occurred, the two houses ultimately achieve an agreement about the legislation they transport to the president. Passing the aforementioned pecker in both houses is no piece of cake feat, and this is by design. The framers intended at that place to be a complex and difficult process for legislation to get law. This challenge serves a number of important and related functions. Outset, the difficulty of passing legislation through both houses makes it less likely, though hardly impossible, that the Congress volition act on fleeting instincts or without the necessary deliberation. 2d, the bicameral system ensures that large-scale dramatic reform is uncommonly difficult to laissez passer and that the status quo is more likely to win the day. This maintains a level of conservatism in authorities, something the landed aristocracy at the convention preferred. 3rd, the bicameral system makes it difficult for a single faction or interest grouping to enact laws and restrictions that would unfairly favor it.

The website of the U.Southward. Congress Visitor Eye contains a number of interesting online exhibits and informational tidbits virtually the U.South. authorities's "first co-operative" (so called because it is described in Commodity I of the Constitution).

SENATE REPRESENTATION AND Firm Circulation

The Constitution specifies that every state will have 2 senators who each serve a six-twelvemonth term. Therefore, with fifty states in the Union, there are currently ane hundred seats in the U.S. Senate. Senators were originally appointed past state legislatures, but in 1913, the Seventeenth Subpoena was approved, which allowed for senators to be elected by popular vote in each land. Seats in the House of Representatives are distributed among united states of america based on each state's population and each fellow member of the House is elected by voters in a specific congressional commune. Each country is guaranteed at least one seat in the House.

The 114th Congress
	Firm of Representatives	Senate
Total Number of Members	435	100
Number of Members per Country	1 or more, based on population	2
Length of Term of Office	ii years	6 years
Minimum Historic period Requirement	25	thirty

Congressional apportionment today is achieved through the equal proportions method, which uses a mathematical formula to classify seats based on U.Due south. Census Agency population data, gathered every ten years as required past the Constitution. At the close of the first U.Due south. Congress in 1791, in that location were sixty-v representatives, each representing approximately thirty k citizens. And then, as the territory of the United States expanded, sometimes by leaps and premises, the population requirement for each new district increased every bit well. Adjustments were made, but the roster of the House of Representatives continued to grow until it reached 435 members subsequently the 1910 census. Ten years afterward, following the 1920 demography and with urbanization changing populations across the country, Congress failed to reapportion membership because it became deadlocked on the result. In 1929, an agreement was reached to permanently cap the number of seats in the House at 435.

Redistricting occurs every 10 years, afterwards the U.S. Demography has established how many persons live in the U.s.a. and where. The boundaries of legislative districts are redrawn as needed to maintain similar numbers of voters in each while still maintaining a full number of 435 districts. Because local areas can encounter their population grow as well as decline over time, these adjustments in district boundaries are typically needed later ten years take passed. Currently, there are 7 states with just one representative (Alaska, Delaware, Montana, North Dakota, Southward Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming), whereas the well-nigh populous country, California, has a total of fifty-three congressional districts.

Although the total number of seats in the House of Representatives has been capped at 435, the circulation of seats by state may change each decade following the official census. In this map, we run into the changes in seat reapportionment that followed the 2010 Census.

Ii remaining bug in the Business firm are the size of each representative's constituency—the body of voters who elect him or her—and the challenge of Washington, DC. First, the average number of citizens in a congressional commune at present tops 700,000. This is arguably too many for House members to remain very close to the people. George Washington advocated for thirty thousand per elected fellow member to retain effective representation in the House. The second trouble is that the approximately 675,000 residents of the federal district of Washington (Commune of Columbia) do non accept voting representation. Similar those living in the U.Due south. territories, they merely have a non-voting consul.

At that place are vi not-voting delegations representing American Samoa, the District of Columbia, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. While these delegates are non able to vote on legislation, they may introduce it and are able to vote in congressional committees and on procedural matters.

The stalemate in the 1920s wasn't the first fourth dimension reapportionment in the Firm resulted in controversy (or the last). The first incident took place before any apportionment had fifty-fifty occurred, while the process was being discussed at the Constitutional Convention. Representatives from large slave-owning states believed their slaves should be counted as part of the total population. States with few or no slaves predictably argued against this. The compromise eventually reached allowed for each slave (who could not vote) to count as three-fifths of a person for purposes of congressional representation. Following the abolition of slavery and the end of Reconstruction, the former slave states in the South took a number of steps to prevent former slaves and their children from voting. Nevertheless because these former slaves were now costless persons, they were counted fully toward usa' congressional representation.

Attempts at African American disenfranchisement connected until the civil rights struggle of the 1960s finally brought nearly the Voting Rights Human activity of 1965. The act cleared several final hurdles to voter registration and voting for African Americans. Post-obit its adoption, many Democrats led the charge to create congressional districts that would heighten the power of African American voters. The thought was to create majority-minority districts within states, districts in which African Americans became the bulk and thus gained the balloter ability to transport representatives to Congress.

While the strangely drawn districts succeeded in their stated goals, nigh quintupling the number of African American representatives in Congress in just over two decades, they take frustrated others who merits they are merely a new form of an old practice, gerrymandering. Gerrymandering is the manipulation of legislative district boundaries as a way of favoring a particular candidate. The term combines the discussion salamander, a reference to the strange shape of these districts, with the name of Massachusetts governor Elbridge Gerry, who in 1812, signed a redistricting plan designed to do good his party. Despite the questionable ethics behind gerrymandering, the practice is legal, and both major parties accept used it to their benefit. Information technology is only when political redistricting appears to dilute the votes of racial minorities that gerrymandering efforts can be challenged under the Voting Rights Deed. Other forms of gerrymandering are frequently employed in states where a dominant party seeks to maintain that domination. As we saw in the chapter on political parties, gerrymandering tin be a tactic to draw district lines in a fashion that creates "safe seats" for a item political party. In states similar Maryland, these are safe seats for Democrats. In states similar Louisiana, they are safety seats for Republicans.

These maps evidence examples of gerrymandering in Texas, where the Republican-controlled legislature has redrawn House districts to reduce the number of Democratic seats by combining voters in Austin with those in surrounding counties, sometimes even several hundred miles abroad. Today, Austin is represented past six dissimilar congressional representatives.

Racial Gerrymandering and the Paradox of Minority Representation

In Ohio, one skirts the shoreline of Lake Erie like a ophidian. In Louisiana, i meanders beyond the southern office of the state from the eastern shore of Lake Ponchartrain, through much of New Orleans and north along the Mississippi River to Baton Rouge. And in Illinois, another wraps around the city of Chicago and its suburbs in a wandering line that, when seen on a map, looks similar the oral cavity of a large, bearded alligator attempting to potable from Lake Michigan.

These aren't geographical features or large infrastructure projects. Rather, they are racially gerrymandered congressional districts. Their foreign shapes are the product of conscientious district restructuring organized around the goal of enhancing the votes of minority groups. The alligator-oral fissure District iv in Illinois, for example, was drawn to bring a number of geographically autonomous Latino groups in Illinois together in the same congressional commune.

While the strategy of creating bulk-minority districts has been a success for minorities' representation in Congress, its long-term effect has revealed a agonizing paradox: Congress as a whole has go less enthusiastic about minority-specific bug. How is this possible? The problem is that by creating districts with high percentages of minority constituents, strategists have made the other districts less diverse. The representatives in those districts are under very trivial pressure to consider the interests of minority groups. As a issue, they typically do not.

Steven Hill, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," The Atlantic, 17 June 2013, http://world wide web.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2013/06/how-the-voting-rights-deed-hurts-democrats-and-minorities/276893/.

What changes might help correct this problem? Are majority-minority districts no longer an constructive strategy for increasing minority representation in Congress? Are there better ways to attain a higher level of minority representation?

CONGRESSIONAL POWERS

The authority to introduce and pass legislation is a very stiff power. Merely it is only i of the many that Congress possesses. In full general, congressional powers tin be divided into 3 types: enumerated, implied, and inherent. An enumerated ability is a power explicitly stated in the Constitution. An implied power is one not specifically detailed in the Constitution simply inferred as necessary to reach the objectives of the national government. And an inherent power, while not enumerated or unsaid, must exist causeless to exist as a direct result of the country's existence. In this section, we will learn about each type of power and the foundations of legitimacy they claim. Nosotros will also larn about the style the dissimilar branches of government accept historically appropriated powers not previously granted to them and the manner congressional power has recently suffered in this procedure.

Article I, Department viii, of the U.South. Constitution details the enumerated powers of the legislature. These include the ability to levy and collect taxes, declare war, enhance an army and navy, coin coin, borrow money, regulate commerce amongst the states and with foreign nations, establish federal courts and bankruptcy rules, constitute rules for immigration and naturalization, and issue patents and copyrights. Other powers, such as the ability of Congress to override a presidential veto with a two-thirds vote of both houses, are found elsewhere in the Constitution (Article II, Section 7, in the instance of the veto override). The starting time of these enumerated powers, to levy taxes, is quite possibly the almost important power Congress possesses. Without information technology, most of the others, whether enumerated, implied, or inherent, would exist largely theoretical. The power to levy and collect taxes, along with the appropriations power, gives Congress what is typically referred to equally "the power of the pocketbook". This means Congress controls the money.

The ability to levy and collect taxes is the starting time, and most important, of Congress's enumerated powers. In 2015, U.Due south. federal tax acquirement totaled $3.25 trillion.

Some enumerated powers invested in the Congress were included specifically to serve every bit checks on the other powerful branches of authorities. These include Congress'southward sole power to introduce legislation, the Senate's final say on many presidential nominations and treaties signed past the president, and the Firm'southward power to impeach or formally charge the president or other federal officials of wrongdoing (the first step in removing the person from function; the 2nd stride, trial and removal, takes place in the U.Southward. Senate). Each of these powers also grants Congress oversight of the deportment of the president and his or her administration—that is, the correct to review and monitor other bodies such as the executive co-operative. The fact that Congress has the sole power to introduce legislation effectively limits the power of the president to develop the same laws he or she is empowered to enforce. The Senate's exclusive power to requite final approval for many of the president'due south nominees, including cabinet members and judicial appointments, compels the president to consider the needs and desires of Congress when selecting meridian government officials. Finally, removing a president from role who has been elected by the entire country should never be done lightly. Giving this responsibility to a big deliberative body of elected officials ensures it will occur only very rarely.

Despite the fact that the Constitution outlines specific enumerated powers, almost of the actions Congress takes on a twenty-four hours-to-day basis are non actually included in this listing. The reason is that the Constitution not only gives Congress the power to make laws just as well gives information technology some full general direction as to what those laws should reach. The "necessary and proper cause" directs Congress "to make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for conveying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the Usa, or in any Department or Officer thereof." Laws that regulate banks, constitute a minimum wage, and allow for the construction and maintenance of interstate highways are all possible because of the implied powers granted by the necessary and proper clause. Today, the overwhelming portion of Congress's piece of work is tied to the necessary and proper clause.

Finally, Congress's inherent powers are unlike either the enumerated or the implied powers. Inherent powers are not only non mentioned in the Constitution, but they practise not even have a convenient clause in the Constitution to provide for them. Instead, they are powers Congress has determined it must assume if the government is going to work at all. The general supposition is that these powers were deemed so essential to whatsoever functioning government that the framers saw no need to spell them out. Such powers include the ability to control borders of the state, the power to expand the territory of the state, and the power to defend itself from internal revolution or coups. These powers are not granted to the Congress, or to whatsoever other branch of the authorities for that matter, but they be considering the country exists.

Agreement the Limits of Congress's Power to Regulate

1 of the most important constitutional anchors for Congress'due south implicit power to regulate all manner of activities inside the states is the brusque clause in Article I, Section 8, which says Congress is empowered to "to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with Indian Tribes." The Supreme Courtroom's wide interpretation of this then-called commerce clause has greatly expanded the power and reach of Congress over the centuries.

From the earliest days of the commonwealth until the stop of the nineteenth century, the Supreme Court consistently handed down decisions that effectively broadened the Congress's power to regulate interstate and intrastate commerce.

Lainie Rutkow and Jon S. Vernick. 2011. "The U.S. Constitution's Commerce Clause, the Supreme Courtroom, and Public Health," Public Health Report 126, No. 5 (September–October): 750–753.

The growing state, the demands of its expanding economy, and the way changes in technology and transportation contributed to the shrinking of space betwixt the states demanded that Congress be able to role every bit a regulator. For a short period in the 1930s when federal authority was expanded to gainsay the Bang-up Depression, the Court began to interpret the commerce clause far more narrowly. Just later this interlude, the court's interpretation swung in an even-broader direction. This modify proved particularly important in the 1960s, when Congress rolled back racial segregation throughout much of the South and across, and in the 1970s, as federal environmental regulations and programs took root.

But in United States v. Lopez , a conclusion issued in 1995, the Court changed course again and, for the first time in one-half a century, struck downwards a law as an unconstitutional overstepping of the commerce clause.

United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995).

Five years afterward, the Court did it once more, convincing many that the country may exist witnessing the outset of a rollback in Congress's ability to regulate in us. When the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (besides known as the ACA, or Obamacare) came before the Supreme Court in 2012, many believed the Court would strike information technology down. Instead, the justices took the novel arroyo of upholding the law based on the Congress's enumerated power to tax, rather than the commerce clause. The decision was a shock to many.

National Federation of Independent Businesses v. Sebelius, 567 U.Southward. ___ (2012).

And, by not upholding the law on the basis of the commerce clause, the Courtroom left open up the possibility that it would continue to pursue a narrower estimation of the clause.

What are the advantages of the Supreme Courtroom's broad estimation of the commerce clause? How do you think this interpretation affects the balance of power between the branches of regime? Why are some people concerned that the Court's view of the clause could modify?

In the early days of the republic, Congress's function was rarely if always disputed. However, with its decision in Marbury v. Madison (1803), the Supreme Court asserted its authority over judicial review and assumed the ability to declare laws unconstitutional.

Marbury five. Madison, five U.S. 137 (1803).

Withal, even subsequently that determination, the Court was reluctant to use this ability and didn't do so for over one-half a century. Initially, the presidency was likewise a fairly weak branch of regime compared with the legislature. But presidents accept sought to increase their power nigh from the offset, typically at the expense of the Congress. By the nature of the enumerated powers provided to the president, it is during wartime that the chief executive is most powerful and Congress least powerful. For example, President Abraham Lincoln, who oversaw the prosecution of the Civil War, stretched the bounds of his legal authority in a number of ways, such as past issuing the Emancipation Announcement that freed slaves in the confederate states.

"Abraham Lincoln: Impact and Legacy," http://millercenter.org­/president/biography/lincoln-touch on-and-legacy (May 24, 2016).

In the twentieth century, the modern tussle over power between the Congress and the president really began. At that place are two primary reasons this struggle emerged. Beginning, as the land grew larger and more circuitous, the need for the regime to assert its regulatory power grew. The executive branch, considering of its hierarchical organization with the president at the top, is naturally seen equally a more smoothly run governmental automobile than the cumbersome Congress. This gives the president advantages in the struggle for power and indeed gives Congress an incentive to delegate authority to the president on processes, such as trade agreements and national monument designations, that would exist hard for the legislature to acquit out. The 2nd reason has to do with the president's powers every bit commander-in-chief in the realm of strange policy.

The twin disasters of the Corking Depression in the 1930s and World War II, which lasted until the mid-1940s, provided President Franklin D. Roosevelt with a powerful platform from which to aggrandize presidential power. His popularity and his ability to be elected four times allowed him to greatly overshadow Congress. As a result, Congress attempted to restrain the power of the presidency by proposing the Twenty-Second Amendment to the Constitution, which limited a president to only two total terms in part.

David Grand. Jordan. 2011. FDR, Dewey, and the Election of 1944. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 290; Paul K. Willis and George L. Willis. 1952. "The Politics of the Xx-2d Amendment," The Western Political Quarterly 5, No. iii: 469–82; Paul B. Davis. 1979. "The Results and Implications of the Enactment of the Twenty-2d Amendment," Presidential Studies Quarterly nine, No. 3: 289–303.

Although this limitation is a meaning 1, information technology has not held back the trend for the presidency to assume increased ability.

In the decades following Globe War 2, the United States entered the Cold War, a seemingly endless disharmonize with the Soviet Union without actual war, and therefore a menstruation that allowed the presidency to affirm more than say-so, specially in strange diplomacy. In an practise of this increased power, in the 1950s, President Harry Truman finer went around an enumerated power of Congress by sending troops into boxing in Korea without a congressional proclamation of war. By the time of the Kennedy administration in the 1960s, the presidency had causeless nearly all responsibility for creating strange policy, effectively shutting Congress out.

Post-obit the twin scandals of Vietnam and Watergate in the early on 1970s, Congress attempted to assert itself as a coequal branch, even in creating strange policy, simply could not hold back the trend. The War Powers Resolution (covered in the foreign policy chapter) was intended to strengthen congressional war powers only concluded up clarifying presidential authorization in the first sixty days of a military conflict. The war on terrorism afterward nine/11 has also strengthened the president's hand. Today, the seemingly endless grouse between the president and the Congress is a reminder of the ongoing struggle for power between the branches, and indeed betwixt the parties, in Washington, DC.

President Truman did not think it necessary to get through Congress to prosecute the war in Korea. This action opened the door to an extended era in which Congress has been finer removed from decisions about whether to go to state of war, an era that continues today.

Summary

The weaknesses of the Manufactures of Confederation convinced the member states to send delegates to a new convention to revise them. What emerged from the debates and compromises of the convention was instead a new and stronger constitution. The Constitution established a bicameral legislature, with a Senate composed of two members from each state and a Business firm of Representatives composed of members drawn from each state in proportion to its population. Today'southward Senate has one hundred members representing fifty states, while membership in the House of Representatives has been capped at 435 since 1929. Circulation in the House is based on population data collected by the U.S. Demography Bureau.

The Constitution empowers Congress with enumerated, implied, and inherent powers. Enumerated powers are specifically addressed in the text of the Constitution. Unsaid powers are non explicitly called out but are inferred every bit necessary to achieve the objectives of the national goverment. Inherent powers are assumed to be past virtue of the fact that the country exists. The power of Congress to regulate interstate and intrastate commerce has generally increased, while its power to control foreign policy has declined over the course of the twentieth century.

The Cracking Compromise successfully resolved differences between ________.

1. big and minor states
2. slave and non-slave states
3. the Manufactures of Confederation and the Constitution
4. the Business firm and the Senate

While each state has 2 senators, members of the House are apportioned ________.

1. according to the state's geographic size
2. based on the state's economic size
3. according to the state's population
4. based on each state's need

The process of redistricting tin present problems for congressional representation because ________.

1. districts must include urban and rural areas
2. states can gain but never lose districts
3. districts are often drawn to do good partisan groups
4. states have been known to create more than districts than they have been apportioned

Which of the post-obit is an implied power of Congress?

1. the ability to regulate the sale of tobacco in the states
2. the power to increase taxes on the wealthiest i per centum
3. the power to put the president on trial for high crimes
4. the power to override a presidential veto

Briefly explain the benefits and drawbacks of a bicameral system.

A chief benefit of a bicameral system is the way it demands careful consideration and deliberate action on the part of the legislators. A primary drawback is that information technology is tougher overall to laissez passer legislation and makes it extremely difficult to push through large-scale reforms.

What are some examples of the enumerated powers granted to Congress in the Constitution?

Why does a strong presidency necessarily sap power from Congress?

The executive and legislative branches complement and check each other. The purpose of dividing their roles is to forbid either from condign too powerful. As a result, when i branch assumes more than power, it necessarily assumes that power from the other co-operative.

Glossary

apportionment

the process by which seats in the House of Representatives are distributed among the fifty states

bicameralism

the political procedure that results from dividing a legislature into two split up assemblies

beak

proposed legislation under consideration by a legislature

constituency

the body of voters, or constituents, represented by a particular pol

enumerated powers

the powers given explicitly to the federal regime past the Constitution to regulate interstate and foreign commerce, heighten and support armies, declare state of war, money money, and behave foreign affairs

unsaid powers

the powers not specifically detailed in the U.S. Constitution but inferred equally necessary to accomplish the objectives of the national government

inherent powers

the powers neither enumerated nor implied but assumed to be as a directly result of the land'south beingness

oversight

the right to review and monitor other bodies such as the executive branch

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Source: https://courses.lumenlearning.com/openstax-americangovernment/chapter/the-institutional-design-of-congress/

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